The press and radio here are giving wide circulation to Associated Press and United Press reports from Berlin stating that semi-official German spokesmen indicated the German Government's willingness to accept a truce proposal by Roosevelt and, if need be, even participate in a peace conference at Washington. In the event that Roosevelt should be prepared to mediate, the German Government would submit additional peace proposals.

Without indicating any connection with these reports, Pittman, the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, stated that Roosevelt would not be disposed to undertake such mediation until the belligerent powers have shown a sincere desire for coming to an understanding. Roosevelt was not very likely to undertake anything at the present moment, since an unsuccessful intervention might possibly be interpreted so as to place upon him part of the responsibility for the continuation of the war.

I would appreciate guidance for my conversations.

The Foreign Minister said to me today that British comment on the Führer's speech, both because of its careful formulation and because of the fact that Poland was not mentioned, seemed to him to be leaving the door open for a peaceful settlement. In his opinion it was now a question of easing the way for a possible shift in the position of the British Government by conditioning British public opinion. The large British newspapers were more intransigent than (group garbled) and it would be difficult to induce them to change their attitude. In his opinion the best way to alter public opinion in England would be to push the disarmament question quite prominently into the foreground, making detailed proposals as early as possible, and thereby dispel the strong British suspicions of the ultimate objectives of German policy. He could imagine that if an adroit person sent by Germany were to appear in London with disarmament proposals, such a step would make a great impression on public opinion in England and also facilitate a change of attitude on the part of the British Government in the Polish question, which he believed caused the greatest difficulty at present. He did not wish to make any proposal regarding the person to be entrusted with such a mission. He did not know of anyone in Holland suitable for it. Under present conditions it might perhaps be best to choose an Italian. At any rate he considered it of crucial importance that something be done as soon as possible along the line he had suggested in order to keep matters in flux and not let them first become solidified.

B[aron] d[e] R[opp] first took the position that the outbreak of war between England and Germany was inevitable because of the chauvinistic attitude of the English people. He was convinced that the result would be only the decline of the West, of the Aryan race, and the era of the bolshevization of Europe, including England. I thereupon asked him first just to let me express my purely personal opinion and then later to explain my mission. In my opinion, the question was an entirely different one, namely, whether the Aryan race would in future be represented by the two nations jointly or only by Germany. The German nation was determined to accept the fight forced upon it by England. B. d, R. was amazed to learn that all the hatred was directed against England. I told him that the German people were now convinced that, while invoking God, freedom, and otherwise prostituting ethical questions,

England thought only of money and that for this reason Germany had for decades not been able to find peace. In the German view, there was no question at all as to whether Germany or England would triumph, but simply of the time that would be needed to force the British Empire to its knees. They were of the opinion that the attempts to reach an understanding with England had finally come to an end after six years of interminable effort. Although I was now speaking with him at the direction of Christian,2 in order to make one more attempt to save the British Empire, I was convinced that this step on the part of Germany was completely unpopular. It was being taken only from the very broad perspective of the preservation of the strength of the Aryan race and the general significance of Europe. It was fortunate for the Aryan race and for Europe that we had the Führer, who was in a position and had the power to guide the will of the people in Germany. The question was only whether the British nation has already become too old to realize its duties.

B. d. R. declared that the Germans were making a mistake if they considered the English nation superannuated. I told him that British policy was undeniably superannuated and that I, too, hoped and believed that the English nation would still prove to have vitality. But it had to give the answer to this now, for, if blood really started flowing, the die would finally have been cast. I sincerely desired the preservation of the British Empire because in the European area the German nation had such tasks to fulfill as the representative of the Aryan race, that I did not wish it to my children and grandchildren, to these generations, namely, to have to assume also the tasks of the English nation.

His anxiety concerning the bolshevization of Europe was entirely unfounded. I was convinced that, just as Poland had fallen much more rapidly than I had expected, so the British Empire would also collapse very much more rapidly than the world considered possible today, because of our new weapons, with which England would very soon become acquainted. Germany, even after several years of war with England, was still strong enough to meet any danger she feared from the East. The Vistula-San line was actually predestined to create an even stronger eastern wall than our present West Wall ; from there it would be possible to advance offensively at any time. I believed, however, that we were so strong that we did not even need to go to the trouble of constructing an eastern wall. He must also not forget that, after the collapse of England, France would fall in line very quickly. She was today being only artificially goaded on by England to assume the tasks of her previous history, and for this she was much too tired already.

B.d.R. thought he perceived difficulties in Germany in the fact that the political swing in German policy toward Russia could not be made comprehensible to the German people. He still recalled how last year at Nuremberg Bolshevist Russia had been called the seat of infection that had to be eradicated.

I told him that many of our foes are getting themselves worked up about this. That was probably because they could not understand that the German nation had through National Socialism obtained a new ideology and a new faith. A person who believed, in a way that was comparable only to belief in a religion, needed no explanation, but rested in this belief. He must also not forget that the Führer had not achieved power through the entire German people, but through a minority, though a fanatical one, which did not even comprise all party members. This minority had believed in the Führer and continued to follow and believe in him. Those of them who also reasoned it out clearly were convinced that we were no longer the nation of the so-called "Deutsche Michels? who pursued a goal just to give the opponent every opportunity to set traps for him on the way. It was first only a matter of finally breaking the power of the rootless forces which managed the democracies. He must also not forget that Stalin had now ousted the Jews from all posts. I know from our negotiators in Moscow that, to their amazement, they found only non- Jews still acting as negotiations partners while in previous years only Jews functioned as such. Also he must not forget tliat the German people had always had great sympathy for the Russian people and that Christian had therefore been bitterly assailed by many Germans outside the movement as the exponent of the irreconcilable attitude toward Soviet Russia.

It was also incomprehensible to me why the British believed they could conquer us by economic means. In order not to create unnecessary tension since I spoke very strongly I emphasized the fact that I was a citizen of Hamburg and therefore believed that I knew England well also through my trips abroad. I had always known the Englishman to be a careful calculator, but now I was always reading that the world with its raw materials was open to England and France and also that Germany had no gold. Well, what was the actual situation? ! In 1914, Germany's industrial capacity was a third less than that of England and France combined. Today she was stronger than the two countries and even without Poland and Moravia in the ratio of 33 to 37. Germany did not lack even 20 percent of her supplies. It was also to be taken into account that as of Sepember 1 of this year the tremendous peacetime projects, construction, etc., were stopped and that the raw materials needed for them from abroad therefore no longer needed to be imported. All deliveries to countries overseas, moreover, were stopping. Germany could therefore

concentrate on the countries of Europe that were important to her and within easy reach in making deliveries in payment of raw materials. Also, Germany's great anxiety about the shortage of labor was relieved for the same reasons. Surprisingly small forces were needed for the Army. It had to be remembered that in 1914 we had had over 3400 kilometers of front, while today we had in the West only 250 kilometers, which, moreover, were so strongly fortified that they required a correspondingly smaller number of troops. As a result, ev&a on September 1, when the armies still had to be employed in Poland, no mobilization had been necessary. He would be able to convince himself in Germany itself that the best age classes, between 25 and 35, were still entirely civilians in the Reserve. In the matter of raw materials we were also in a position to start exporting on a large scale because we had what was worth much more than gold the raw materials from which the most important raw materials could be derived, whether it was gasoline, rubber, or other things. I mentioned coal and our gain through Poland, lumber in connection with Poland, Finland, and Russia, potatoes as feed. We were therefore not only in a position to feed our people adequately for years to come, but would also be able to supply the neutral countries with the raw materials vital to them, and thereby create a bloc in Europe that would be able to supply itself adequately. The industrial capacity of Germany was also very great and the requirements of the Army, because of the small front, were by no means comparable to those of the World War, so that as a result, Germany was already in a position now to concentrate her entire industry on exports. It was therefore not surprising that now, since the 1st of September of this year, instead of offering delivery terms up to two years as heretofore, we could, to the amazement of the neutrals, make immediate deliveries. Moreover, all the conditions now exist that will make it possible to develop the Four Year Plan at an entirely different tempo, since the stoppage of the peace-time construction projects.

What, on the other hand, is England's situation? England had to import nearly 70 percent. The pound was not backed by gold. B. d. R. shared my view on this entirely. Credits, as in the World War, were also entirely unlikely. England, like Germany, therefore, had to pay for her imports in counter-deliveries. But the trouble here was the lack of self-sufficiency and the small industrial capacity of England. I therefore failed to understand how the sensible Englishman could think that the blockade of Germany would be successful, instead of merely considering whether or not the blockade of Germany with its new weapons would enable England economically to wage war any longer.

It must therefore become clearer and clearer to the sensible Englishman that in view of all the difficulties already existing in the way of the preservation of the British Empire, he was committing suicide if he risked his whole Empire for the sake of Poland. The distribution of forces was also so unequal that even for the average Englishman it must now become clear that this was, indeed, not an English policy at all, but the policy of the rootless elements which alone could profit by a war even if the Empire fell in the process. Poland surely must be a serious warning.

B. d. R. thereupon stated that he could now say frankly that in England it had only been expected that Poland would resist for three weeks.

I then stated that the policy of England had thereby become even more incomprehensible to me. I would like to wish that, for the sake of the strength of the Aryan race, the English nation at the very last moment would come to its senses. It had to realize, however, that it was in Germany's power to decide whether the British Empire was to be preserved or not and that with the exception of Christian and the F. she considered it a settled fact that the end of the British Empire had now come. On the streets of Berlin people were, indeed, saying that China was falling to Japan, British India to Russia, Africa to Germany, etc. The only hope, therefore, was Christian, who from very broad perspectives was advocating the preservation of the Empire.

B. d. It. stated that he realized this fully and continued, saying that he expected nothing of Ribbentrop, whose name I had never mentioned. Meanwhile the telegram had arrived from Fred in London saying that he considered a talk with leading Germans premature at present. Although I had stated at the first conversation that if the die had now been cast, the last word had been spoken, I stated that I naturally did not wish to assert that it would never again be possible. B. d. R. therefore gave me the following statement which I should like to present to Christian :

The British Air Ministry was of the same view as we had discussed it. It by no means wished to be a party to the present policy of England of waging the war to the finish. There were too many British Empire experts in the Ministry not to know the dangers to the Empire itself. It [the Ministry] was not yet strong enough today, however, to assert itself. There was no practical value in convincing Chamberlain alone, since he was dependent upon the exponents who today wished a war to the finish. But the Air Ministry believed that it would constantly gain in political power at home. It was convinced that the war would be decided by the Luftwaffe. It therefore depended on the Air Ministry to explain to the British Government that, in view of the losses it had sustained, it no* longer

found itself in a position of being able to continue the war. But it was necessary first to await the first clash and the resulting losses. He hoped that in the interest of the Aryan race, Germany's Luftwaffe would be so victorious as to create this basis. It was horrible to think that on both sides it was just the most valuable forces that would be lost in the process. He thought, however, that it would be desirable, if the war began now, to review the contact in four to six weeks. He also asked that contact continue to be maintained. He wished to remain in Switzerland for the following reason : Mr. Daniels, the former Times correspondent, whom Christian knew, had, since September 1 of this year, assumed the post of Press Attache at the British Legation in Bern, in order in this way to participate again in politics. Daniels was of the same opinion as we, even if he could not say so officially. He was, therefore, also of the opinion that the war was madness for England and had to be ended in shortest order. Daniels had excellent connections with the Foreign Office and was now, as Press Attache, also constantly posted as to present developments.

It was arranged that if B. d. R. considered a new discussion of the situation expedient, he should write to the previously used address about "excursions" ["Aus-ftuff&nP']. If Fred wired him, however, that the Air Ministry now felt strong enough to be justified in hoping that it would prevail and the conditions were therefore created for his going to Berlin, he would write about "snow."

As far as he personally was concerned, he was prepared to go to Berlin at once. But he took the position that he could come only if he had prospects of success in London.

He also advised that German propaganda should hit England in her weakest spot. It was, indeed, not so much the question of inconsistency in England's proclaiming that she wished to raise Poland up again without declaring war on Russia. The English nation could be persuaded that Russia Tiad taken only non-Polish territory. England, however, now declared as her war aim the destruction of the regime in Germany. If England attained this goal, however, it would be necessary to ask the Englishman whether, then, it was Kaiser Wilhelm II or Bruning who would return? This thought was totally absurd. The successor could only be Bolshevism. If Germany became Bolshevist, however, so would, in short order, Europe and the whole of England. Therefore even if the war aim were completely achieved at tremendous sacrifice on the part of England, she would only accomplish her own downfall.

I took cognizance of this without mentioning that probably out of consideration, for Russia we could not employ such propaganda at all. In conclusion, B. d. R. told me the following : You may be right, indeed, in saying that this war of the rootless

elements against Germany is in reality not at all a war between English and German interests. I too believe now that the question is still only whether or not the British Empire can be preserved in the interest of the Aryan race.

Today I had a look into the secret survey of Italy's reserves of liquid fuels5 which is accessible only to the Ministers concerned and the military chiefs. The total stocks including residues amounted to 930,000 metric tons on October 8. Of this 25,000 tons is aviation gasoline, 119,000 tons is automobile gasoline, and 260,000 tons is heavy oil for Diesel engines. The Navy is not included in the figures ; it has its own stocks, and according to trustworthy assurances by a member of the Government has sufficient supplies for a year. However, the supply of the Army from the above-mentioned stocks is assured for a month at the most, in the opinion of experts.